Archaeologist describes the wide ranging emotions of Armenians, Kurds, and Iranians to the pending public exposure of Noah’s Ark, in the southern gorge of greater Mount Ararat in eastern Turkey. Here, attitudes vary from apocalyptic fear to ecstatic joy.

Istanbul, Turkey -- (ReleaseWire) -- 01/28/2021 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist, former maritime executive, Chairperson and Senior Lecturer of the Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Department at the National University of Samoa, and current president of the applied archaeology firm, PRC, Inc., Joel Klenck, describes how the pending exposure of Noah's Ark provokes a range of emotions in Armenian, Kurdish, and Iranian communities.

The archaeologist is certain: "The rediscovery of Noah's Ark is a fact and the greatest archaeological site in history. The Ark is close to 150 meters in length, broken in two sections, at elevations between 3,900 to 4,700 meters above sea level, with an origin dating to the Late Epipaleolithic Period (13,100-9,600 BC) and earlier. The structure in the southern gorge on greater Mount Ararat is 100% a maritime barge and exhibits angled hulls, thousands of cages, large sloping ramps, three decks, and large cargo holds covered with legumes. Much of the wood architecture of the Ark has been preserved in ice. Also, the organic artifacts have been cryodesiccated or freeze-dried causing the artifacts to preserve for thousands of years. The structure follows all traits described in the Bible, Quran, and by Berossus, Josephus, and in Alexandrian traditions."

Armenians hid Noah's Ark from foreigners for two thousand years. The archaeologist met with the heirs of Armenian guides that led foreigners to Noah's Ark in the late nineteenth century and descendants of Armenian interrogators that worked for the Soviet state during the 1930s. The archaeologist studied the artifacts and features from the Ark for ten years. The descendants and archaeological data provide insight to the impact of Noah's Ark on modern Anatolian history and some members of the Armenian diaspora.

Klenck notes: "At the turn of the twentieth century, the Catholicos of the Armenian Apostolic Church and Armenian guides at the base of Mount Ararat refined tactics to conceal Noah's Ark while raising funds from visits to the vessel, by foreigners from Tsarist Russia and the United States, to fund independence initiatives against Ottoman Turkey. As this revolution failed, Catholicos Mkrtich Khrimian (1820-1907) issued four orders regarding Noah's Ark that concealed the vessel until recently.

There has been consternation within the office of the Catholicos and ranking members of the Armenian Apostolic Church concerning the exposure of Noah's Ark to the world. Some Armenian priests and lay persons believe revealing Noah's Ark earlier in history would have prevented Turkish-Armenian conflicts, World War I, rise of Communism, emergence of Hitler's Nazi party, World War II, and many other conflicts because the Ark negated most secular theories, verified Biblical history and the Old Testament origin of human and animal populations.

Other Armenians believe that Noah's Ark should remain a secret to prevent the vessel from falling into the hands of the Turkish people, a source of Armenian losses and military defeats. A similar concern is that if the Ark became common knowledge, it would cause the unification of Muslims around eastern Anatolia and threaten the modern Republic of Armenia.

Several priests of the Armenian Apostolic Church warn the rediscovery of Noah's Ark could be used by evil persons as a symbol of unity to foment a one-world government, economy, and religion, or alternatively a pan-Islamic maelstrom that would persecute Christians. These apocalyptic views are also echoed by some in the Kurdish community near Mount Ararat, who believe the rediscovery and exposure of Noah's Ark portends the end of the world. Other Armenian priests believe that the exposure of Noah's Ark will be a tool used by God, to consolidate His enemies for their ultimate destruction, before the Messianic Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Iranian military members that regularly climb Mount Ararat believe the rediscovery of Noah's Ark will precede the rise of the Madhi, an Islamic deliverer that will unite all Muslims.

Still, other Armenians lament that the younger generation is indifferent to Noah's Ark, being more fascinated by modern video games, music, and material possessions. For example, one of the elderly descendants of a former Armenian guide to Noah's Ark had family members, that were so disinterested in inheriting Ark artifacts, she donated the objects to a local museum that did not know the import of these specimens. One cryodesiccated wood bowl, from a reliquary near Noah's Ark, was glued to a bench to hold keys for several museum doors. The origin, location, and significance of these artifacts were reported to the Turkish government.

Several descendants of former Ark guides question why Noah's Ark was concealed for so long as it led to the Ark's loss of relevancy. To them, the secrecy surrounding the Ark in the Armenian community caused the sacred structure to become an object of scorn and skepticism. As such, they are relieved that the Holy Ark is being preserved and shown to the world, even if the archaeologists are from Turkey."

The archaeologist concludes, "Noah's Ark will be revealed to the public in 2021 and the Republic of Turkey is working to protect and conserve this religious and cultural masterwork. Still, Noah's Ark is facing horrific loss by melting glacial ice, terrible decomposition of its wood architecture and organic artifacts, and continual looting. The goal of any archaeologist is to mitigate the loss of historic properties. Noah's Ark is the ultimate archaeological site and religious shrine and requires extensive curation and preservation activities.

About PRC, Inc.
Founded in 2007, PRC, Inc., provides comprehensive worldwide archaeological services including surveys, excavations, and research.

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Archaeologist reports Stalinist purges in Armenia during the 1930s prevented the rediscovery of Noah’s Ark in the southern gorge of greater Mount Ararat.

Istanbul, Turkey -- (ReleaseWire) -- 12/08/2020 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist, former maritime executive, Chairperson and Senior Lecturer of the Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Department at the National University of Samoa, and president of PRC, Inc., Joel Klenck, reports that Stalinist purges in Armenia during the 1930s delayed the knowledge of Noah's Ark on greater Mount Ararat in the Republic of Turkey.

Klenck met with the heirs of Armenian guides that led foreigners to Noah's Ark in the late nineteenth century and the descendants of Armenian interrogators that worked for the Soviet state during the 1930s. These descendants provide a perspective on why Noah's Ark was concealed and the impetus for the Ark's rediscovery.

In the late 1800s, the Armenian Apostolic Church collected monies from notable Armenians and trusted foreigners, mostly from Tsarist Russia and the United States, for visits to Noah's Ark. The office of the Catholicos received the monies in Armenia and directed Armenian priests to travel with Ark visitors until they reached greater Mount Ararat. The priests then transferred visitors to Armenian guides that lived in villages at the base of Ararat. The guides would lead visitors up Mount Ararat to Noah's Ark, specifically to small enclosures at the entrances of the Ark. Here, foreigners would be able to see the interior of the Ark and worship God without damaging the artifacts or features within the vessel.

As tensions grew between the Armenian independence forces and Ottoman Turks, the Catholicos Mrktich Khrimian in 1907 ordered Armenian guides to remove artifacts from the Ark, cover the entrances to the vessel, and transport the artifacts to what is now the Republic of Georgia.

The conflict escalated between Ottoman Turks and Armenians, which culminated in the deportation of Armenians from Turkey from 1914 to 1915 and the Turkish War of Independence from 1919 to 1923. Armenian groups familiar with the Ark became divided into two Soviet republics: the guides in Georgia and the Catholicos and priests in Armenia.

The archaeologist states, "Three Soviet leaders would ensure the Ark remained a secret. First, the future director of the NKVD, Lavrentiy Beria was responsible for infiltrating and destroying Turkish intelligence networks. Here, Beria learned that Turks were attempting to ascertain how Armenians acquired monies from Noah's Ark and the location of the vessel on Mount Ararat. Second, Nicholai Yezhov, the first head of the NKVD oversaw the formation of the troika or small group responsible for initiating purges in Armenia for anti-Soviet activities. Finally, Joseph Stalin, the General Secretary of the Soviet Union became directly involved in the Armenian Noah's Ark dilemma.

The interrogations began in 1930 in a routine but vicious manner investigating Armenians having associations with foreign countries. Under torture, Armenians that worked with the offices of the Catholicos revealed that significant monies from foreigners had been delivered to the Catholicos in exchange for visits to Noah's Ark on Mount Ararat and that these funds were used to support Armenian independence initiatives. These workers then implicated Armenian priests, the Catholicos, and the first Armenian professor of archaeology, who was familiar with the Ark."

Klenck notes, "For Soviet leadership, Noah's Ark was a menace. First, Noah's ark was a direct threat to Marxist-Leninist theory. In the Marxist dialectic, societies emerged from simple communal groups and developed into tribal, feudal, capitalist, and then communist states based on conflicts over food or other materials. Noah's Ark directly conflicted with Marxist-Leninist theory as the Ark showed that societies began with Noah and his family in a technologically complex maritime vessel. Noah and his descendants then spawned a range of cultures from simple communal organizations to complex city-states.

Second, Noah's Ark verified accounts in the Bible and Quran and religious beliefs in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam. Noah's Ark directly supported Genesis, Chapters 5 through 10, the earliest chapters in the Bible and many Quranic verses. These religious tenets conflicted with atheistic Marxist-Leninist views that religious beliefs were false, a foundation of the secular Soviet state.

Third, Noah's Ark supported Armenian exceptionalism and nationalism. The fact that Noah's ark was on Mount Ararat confirmed that Armenians had protected one of the most sacred religious objects in history for thousands of years. At that time, Stalin, Yezhov, and Beria were opposed to nationalism and believed that the Soviet system was superior to autonomist identities in Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. Instead, the trio were focused on continuing a united Transcaucasian region. As such, Noah's Ark was a direct threat to Soviet efforts to void nationalist identities in the Caucasus.

Fourth, and most importantly for Stalin, Noah's Ark presented a regional threat if the Republic of Turkey discovered the location of the Ark. In 1919, the Polish-Soviet War began when the Poles invaded the Ukraine. Lenin assigned Stalin to the Ukraine as a commander. After retaking Kiev, the Soviet Central Committee led by Lenin decided to advance Soviet forces into Poland. Here, Polish forces defeated Soviet armies in 1920. This defeat hurt Stalin's reputation. In the meantime, the military forces of the newly independent Republic of Turkey, led by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, defeated the Armenians in 1920 and Greek forces in 1921. Before this, Ataturk defeated British, Australian, and New Zealand forces in the Dardanelles campaign during World War I. While Stalin's reputation rebounded and Stalin was appointed General Secretary in 1922, Ataturk became the President of the Republic of Turkey in 1923. Stalin feared that Noah's Ark would energize the innovative Republic led by the capable military leader, Ataturk, and make Turkey a pilgrimage center for three world religions. With Noah's Ark, Ataturk would be able to bolster Turkey's economy and military at the borders of Soviet Georgia and Armenia. Further, as Noah and the Ark was prominent in the Quran, Stalin feared the Ark would enflame Muslim populations with religious zeal and threaten both Marxist-Leninist beliefs and Soviet borders in the Transcaucasian region.

Klenck remarks: "To stop the threat of Noah's Ark, Soviet interrogators killed hundreds of Armenian lay persons, 91 Armenian priests, strangled to death Catholicos Khoren I Mouradbekian, and executed Ashkharbek Kalantar, the founder of the chair of archaeology and oriental studies at Yerevan State University. The location of the Ark was never published because the vessel was considered the most important Armenian cultural treasure. The Soviet troika was thorough, methodical and executed anyone who was named during the interrogations or knew anything about the actual Ark. Also, Soviet investigators confiscated or destroyed all manuscripts about the Ark.

The interrogation documents were eventually kept by Beria after Yezhov was executed. It is crucial that researchers go through Soviet archives, especially those dated from 1930 through 1938, regarding the interrogation documents from Armenia. Noah's Ark will not be referred to as the Ark but as a box (korobka) or container (sasud). In the years that followed, the Armenian interrogators were transferred to different oblasts or were themselves liquidated by the Soviet state."

The archaeologist concludes, "Despite Soviet purges to suppress the location of Noah's Ark, the interrogations could not extinguish the information. First, Ottoman Turkish forces in eastern Anatolia deported many of the priests that linked the Catholicos and priests in Armenia to the former guides to Noah's Ark living in Georgia. Second, Turkish and Soviet forces overlooked key Armenian women during the Ark investigations. Some of the daughters of Armenian guides, still in eastern Turkey, married Kurdish men and escaped Turkish deportations during World War I, from 1914 to 1916, and the Turkish War of Independence from 1919 to 1923. Meanwhile, the daughters of the Armenian guides in Soviet Georgia married into Georgian families and inherited the Ark artifacts. The archaeological artifacts were ignored by Soviet agents, who were mostly looking for hoarded foodstuffs and livestock. And it was the daughters of the Armenian guides to Noah's Ark, concealed by their Kurdish and Georgian families, that would provide the impetus for the Ark's rediscovery in the southern gorge of greater Mount Ararat."

About PRC, Inc.
Founded in 2007, PRC, Inc. provides comprehensive worldwide archaeological services including surveys, excavations, and research.

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Harvard educated archaeologist promoted to president of archaeological and paleontological research corporation.

Atlanta, GA -- (SBWIRE) -- 03/29/2012 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist and the former director of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, has been promoted to president of the organization. Jason Sain, chief executive officer of PRC states, "Klenck has shown commitment and moxie growing a successful business. He is working on a wide variety of projects in both hemispheres covering periods from the end of the Stone Age through Early Medieval times. Moreover, PRC is pursuing an array of contracts involving private and government sponsored research." Sain notes, "Having a comprehensive knowledge of faunal material, stone tools, pottery styles and architectural remains, his communication ability, survey skills and analytical prowess has made him indispensable to our organization and his promotion to president is well deserved."

PRC is adding new features to its corporation including a database where those conducting scientific research can download archaeological and paleontological data. Klenck states, "Many times professors, graduate students and contract archaeologists can only access the preliminary or final reports of field work rather than the raw data. At PRC, we want to make this data available for others in the scientific community to augment their own analyses, dissertations or publications." Sain also desires to publish important data as efficiently as possible. He remarks, "Archaeologists and paleontologists have many diverse responsibilities that sometimes prevent them from publishing their data for decades. Furthermore, the publication process in scientific peer-reviewed journals can take several years. At PRC, we want to publish important information as soon as possible via press releases well before the information is available in journal articles. I want to avoid the excuse of authoring the perfect journal article as a reason for excessively delaying the availability of scientific data." Klenck concludes, "Sometimes luggage is lost and comparative collections are not available. We want archaeologists and paleontologists to be able to go to our website and download crucial data such as soil color charts, needed measurements or comparisons of bones from different species to continue their important research in the field."

Founded in 2007, the Paleontological Research Corporation provides comprehensive worldwide archaeological and paleontological services including surveys, excavations and research.

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Modern animal sacrifice rituals practiced by Bedouin communities in the Levant provide insight to the deposition of remains at archaeological sites in the Near East.

Miami, FL -- (ReleaseWire) -- 03/28/2012 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist and president of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, conducted an ethnoarchaeological study of modern Bedouin sacrificial practices in the Levant to provide insight on the deposition of remains at ancient cult sites. Ethnoarchaeology comprises the analysis of modern behaviors and the remains left over from these activities. These studies are linked with a concept in archaeology called middle range theory where observations of natural processes or human behaviors are used to explain the deposition of archaeological finds. Deriving his theories from the sociologist Robert Merton, the American archaeologist Lewis Binford strongly encouraged middle range theory and completed ethnographic studies of Australian aborigines, Nunamiut Eskimo and other groups. Binford then compared his data to remains from archaeological sites.

Klenck remarks, "During my excavations and research in the Levant, I observed many foot bones of sheep, goats and cattle near ancient sanctuaries particularly at the Middle Bronze IIB/C period (1800-1550 B.C.) cult site at Tel Haror. At the same time, I learned that modern Bedouin communities sacrificed sheep, goats, cattle and an occasional camel to a "weli" or a revered person at their sepulchers." Sponsored by a grant from the Joe Alon Museum, Klenck conducted an ethnoarchaeological study of Bedouin sacrificial rituals taking photographs and recordings of his observations. He then analyzed the animal bone remains strewn around the venerated areas after the rituals. An analysis was completed in 2012 of the butchery and preservation processes affecting these bones for a forthcoming manuscript. Klenck comments, "It was quickly apparent that the bones with meat on them such as upper limb bones, ribs and vertebrae were subjected to more intensive butchery processes, were boiled and eaten by the families and then targeted by dogs and other scavengers after the Bedouin left the cult areas. At two of the sacrificial areas, the Bedouin burned the bones. Without any hides covering them, the meat bones disintegrated in the fires."

The archaeologist notes that the foot bones were treated in a different manner. Klenck states, "Bedouin removed the hooves from the carcass at the beginning stages of butchery. The foot bones remained encased in animal skins and were discarded around the cult sites and not eaten. The sparse meat and marrow in these bones made them less attractive to scavengers and the skin surrounding these bones protected foot bones when Bedouin burned animal bones at the conclusion of the sacrificial meals." The researcher then compared activities around the venerated tombs to the types of animal bones brought into Bedouin homes. The latter brought mostly meat bones into their homes while foot bones were removed in butcher shops at considerable distances from their domestic dwellings. Conversely, at the cult sites the entire butchery process was conducted near the venerated sepulcher. Klenck concludes, "The study of Bedouin sacrificial rituals provides archaeologists with valuable insight as to behaviors that might explain the enhanced preservation of foot bones at ancient cult sites in the Near East."

About the Paleontological Research Corporation
Founded in 2007, the Paleontological Research Corporation provides comprehensive worldwide archaeological and paleontological services including surveys, excavations and research.

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Animal sacrifice rituals performed by Bedouin in the Levant reveal diversity of beliefs.

Miami, FL -- (ReleaseWire) -- 03/26/2012 -- Harvard University educated anthropologist and president of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, conducted a study of Bedouin sacrificial rituals that reveal a diversity of beliefs in Arab populations in the Levant. Sponsored by a grant from the Joe Alon Museum, Klenck conducted a study of Bedouin sacrificial rituals completed in 2012 and featured in a forthcoming publication.

Rarely revealed by Western researchers, Arab pastoral nomads practice several types of sacrificial rituals other than the main feast of sacrifice or "Id al 'Adha" that occurs the tenth day of the Hadj or "Dhul Hijjah" and is practiced by all observing Muslims. Three other rituals include sacrifices to spirits or "ginn", ritual slaughters to ward off curses and bless newly married couples, and commemorations to deceased family members. Another type of sacrifice practiced by Bedouin in the Levant comprises sacrifices to a "weli" or revered person. Klenck states, "Bedouin sacrifice sheep, goats, cattle and occasionally a camel to a weli to redeem vows, incur healing, give thanks or insure fertility. Individuals performing the sacrifices believe the weli will act as a mediator between them and Allah to facilitate their requests."

Around 1771, Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, a cleric who traveled throughout Saudi Arabia and Iraq, began to influence the ruler of Dara'iya, Muhammad Ibn Sa'ud, whose tribe created the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in 1932. The religious leader al-Wahhab formed a movement that denounced Bedouin believing in the special powers of a weli, punished individuals performing sacrificial rituals to these revered persons and largely eradicated these practices.

Although sacrifices to Bedouin saints are mostly forbidden in Saudi Arabia, these rituals continue to be practiced by Muslim pastoral nomads in the Levant and North Africa. Klenck states, "I was able to observe Bedouin venerating the tombs of Sheikh Abu-Hurreira, Ibrahim, Hussein, Falougie, Nebi Musa, and the adjacent sepulchers of Al-Azzam and Al-Nabari. The sheikhs' tombs vary in their size, care and decoration. The tombs often feature sticks of wood mostly of palm with white or green cloth tied to each structure. According to the Bedouin, the white cloth represents peace and goodwill and is a beneficial omen for those petitioning Allah through a weli. The Bedouin consider the color green to be very holy as its significance stems from their traditions and because they allege the tomb of the Prophet Muhammad and the Kabbah in Saudi Arabia are covered with green tapestries. At the tombs the Bedouin often light candles and sometimes leave salt, sugar, matches, and coins in the sacred area."

While Bedouin women perform prayers and light candles at the tombs, the men perform animal sacrifices near the sepulchers. At the tombs of Al-Azzam and Al-Nabari, the trees surrounding the sacred areas exhibit slash marks where Bedouin hang animal carcasses during butchery activities. After the sacrifice, the meat is boiled and everyone participates in the subsequent feast, especially the poor. Several Bedouin stated that in past centuries, individuals left valuable possessions at the sheikh's tombs knowing that no Bedouin would dare steal from the tomb for fear of being cursed. Klenck concludes, "Studies of Bedouin animal sacrifices reveal a diversity of beliefs and are important in understanding cultures and ritual activities in the Levant."

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

An array of archaeological data suggests a crisis occurred during the reign of the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmose II during the Eighteenth Dynasty.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 03/19/2012 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist and president of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, states an array of archaeological discoveries evidence a crisis during the reign of the Egyptian Pharaoh Thutmose II (ca. 1,492-1,479 B.C.) in the Eighteenth Dynasty. An inscription by the succeeding Pharaoh Hatshepsut (ca. 1,479-1,457 B.C.) in her Underground Temple at Speos Artemidos states that Egypt was "ruined" and "had gone to pieces" before the beginning of her reign. Hatshepsut's inscription also states that a population of "vagabonds" emerged from former Asiatic populations that once controlled northern Egypt and caused this ruination. Hatshepsut notes these vagabonds were responsible for "overthrowing that which had been made".

Klenck comments, "The reign of Thutmose II ended between 79 and 86 years after Seqenenre Tao II (ca. 1,560-1,555 B.C.) began to reconquer northern Egypt from foreign Hyksos populations, who controlled Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period (ca. 1,650-1,550 B.C.). Egyptian texts are clear that the son of Tao II, Ahmose I, conquered the Hyksos and captured their capital at Avaris around 1,550 B.C. Yet, this inscription by Hatshepsut notes another population remained in Egypt from 'the midst' of the 'Asiatics' and ruined Egypt 'down to my majesty' or before the beginning of her reign."

Further, there is evidence that disease affected the royal court before the reign of Hatshepsut. The mummy of Thutmose II is the only corpse of a pharaoh during the Eighteenth Dynasty covered with cysts from an unknown malady. These lesions coat the back, waist, arms and legs of Thutmose II and exhibit a mixture of papules, scabs and scars up to several centimeters in length. These cysts also cover the corpse of the wet-nurse Sitre-In, who was probably unrelated to the royal lineage. In addition, Hatshepsut and her successor, Thutmose III (ca. 1,457-1,425 B.C.), bear traces of the disease suggesting their skin healed after a period of time. Recent DNA evidence suggests that Thutmose III might not be related to Thutmose II. That Sitre-In and Thutmose III show evidence of this disease suggests the disease was not hereditary but widely affected Thutmose II and his court.

A variety of circumstantial evidence also suggests a crisis during the reign of Thutmose II. Klenck notes, "Pharaohs proclaimed their successes and mostly ignored their failures or crises. A troubled Egyptian rule is usually characterized by few artifacts outside the confines of a royal burial associated with a reign of significant duration." Despite that archaeologist Georges Daressy recorded an inscription that Thutmose II reigned for eighteen years, the ruler has fewer writings, monuments or smaller artifacts attributed to his rule compared to most pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty. Furthermore, building projects belonging to Thutmose II are minimal and comprise an unfinished limestone gateway at Karnak and fragments of construction at Semna, Kumma and Elephantine.

The Egyptian official, Ahmose Pen-Nekhbet, mentioned that Thutmose II conducted a campaign in the Sinai against the "shasu" or wanderers. This campaign may have proved problematic. Klenck remarks "From the end of the rule of Thutmose II and throughout the reign of Hatshepsut, Egyptian armies did not leave their country for a period of at least twenty-two years, until the reign of Thutmose III."

Public inscriptions by Hatshepsut, after the reign of Thutmose II, show her fear of the Egyptian commoners. On an obelisk at Karnak, Hatshepsut inscribed, "Now my heart turns to and fro in thinking what the people will say." Hatshepsut's worry about the opinions of commoners is very unique considering in most periods pharaohs were considered as gods that ruled their subjects with absolute authority. Further, public inscriptions of Hatshepsut portray her as the oldest child, son, male king, and favorite heir of her father Thutmose I (ca. 1,504-1,492 B.C.). Klenck remarks, "Most pharaohs praised previous rulers to show the continuity of successful dynasties. The opposite is true about Hatshepsut's pronouncements. Despite that Thutmose II was Hatshepsut's husband and brother; she appears to disrespect his memory in public inscriptions."

These unique portrayals of Hatshepsut as the eldest child and son of Thutmose I and her twenty-two year reign suggest the priests of Amun-Re and lesser nobles were complicit in these public presentations and extended rule. This support for Hatshepsut differs from most periods in Egyptian history, until the Ptolemaic period, where clerics and court officials usually campaigned to undermine the authority of female pharaohs.

After approximately twenty years of reign, Hatshepsut's successor, Thutmose III, established a unique program. Inscriptions of Hatshepsut as a male, eldest child, boy, or son were chiseled out, buried, plastered over or covered with stone. However, references or images of Hatshepsut as a queen or female were mostly left intact. Also, Thutmose III added inscriptions of Thutmose II to buildings and structural modifications, despite that the latter had nothing to do with the construction of these edifices and had been dead for decades.

Klenck states, "After the reign of Thutmose II, the Egyptian court seems to have had a crisis of faith in their principal deity Amun-Re." The inscription by Hatshepsut in her Underground Temple at Speos Artemidos states that Re "did not act by divine command" during the ruination of Egypt before the beginning of her reign. Subsequently, Thutmose III built a temple complex to a competing deity, Aten, at Iput-Isut. The degradation of the worship of Amun-Re culminated during the reign of Akhenaten (ca. 1,353-1,335 B.C.), where the pharaoh converted Egyptian worship solely to Aten. The subsequent pharaohs of the Nineteenth Dynasty that began around 1,292 B.C. returned to the adulation of foreign Hyksos deities, which were worshipped before the beginning of the Egyptian reconquest of northern Egypt by Tao II around 1,560 B.C. Klenck concludes, "An array of direct archaeological evidence and circumstantial data suggests a crisis occurred, during the reign of Thutmose II, which caused a series of actions, alliances, inscriptions and ideological modifications by Hatshepsut and subsequent pharaohs."

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Archaeologists excavate puppy and corvid remains in a Middle Bronze Age temple complex in the Levant.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 03/19/2012 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist and president of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, states that recent archaeological discoveries are revealing new aspects of cult practices of ancient inhabitants in the Levant. At Tel-Haror, a site with strata dating to the Middle Bronze II period (1,800-1,550 B.C.), archaeologists led by Professor Eliezer Oren from Ben Gurion University excavated a temple complex with a "migdal" or tower temple. Here, Klenck directed the removal and excavated the skeletal remains of dozens of juvenile dogs, ravens and crows in various states of articulation. In 2011, the animal bone data was compared to the unique material assemblage at the site that includes serpent figurines, the upraised arm of a statuette, and a pentagram design in preparation for a forthcoming manuscript. Many of the puppies, ravens and crows surrounded a square altar with a mudbrick base several meters away from the main sanctuary. The populations at Tel-Haror buried human shaped clay figurines, small ceramic bowls and other artifacts with these dog and corvid bones. Klenck states, "Several of the more complete animal skeletons showed the heads of these animals were severely twisted. This evidence suggests that the inhabitants broke the necks of some of these animals before interring them in the temple complex."

The cultic significance of why puppies, ravens and crows were dispatched is less clear. Klenck notes several inscriptions that might shed light on the ideological motivations of the inhabitants at Tel Haror. In the Tale of Aqhat retrieved from Ugarit dating to the fourteenth century B.C. the tablet mentions the deity Baal splitting open vultures and interring them in the ground. Other texts dating from the nineteenth to first centuries B.C. mention the use of dogs in conjunction with healing deities such as Gula or Ninisina in Mesopotamia, Asclepius in Greece, Eshmun in Phoenicia and Resheph-Mukal in Phoenician Cyprus. Further, Hittite texts such as the Ritual of Tunnawi mention puppies in rituals for purification, healing and to ward off evil omens. In contexts from the tenth century B.C., dog burials were found in a ramp leading to a temple at Isin in ancient Babylonia.

Conversely, ancient Israelites considered dogs and corvids to be unclean and these animals were forbidden in their sacred areas. Also, a text in the Tanakh deplores rituals that involve the breaking of a dog necks. Klenck concludes, "Although we can only speculate on their ideological motives, the excavation of puppies and corvids from the Middle Bronze Age temple complex at Tel Haror adds new insight into the ritual activities of ancient Levantine populations."

For more information on this press release visit: http://www.releasewire.com/press-releases/release-3.htm

Archaeologists excavate a donkey burial from the Middle Bronze IIB period (1,750-1,650 B.C.) in the Levant and discover the earliest reported equestrian bit.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 03/19/2012 -- Archaeologists led by Professor Eliezer Oren from Ben Gurion University excavated an equid burial at Tel-Haror, an archaeological site located in the Levant with strata dating to the Middle Bronze IIB Period (1,750-1,650 B.C.). Here, archaeologists retrieved the earliest metal equestrian bit. Dr. Joel Klenck, a Harvard University educated archaeologist and president of the Paleontological Research Corporation, who presided over the analysis of the equid remains, states the burial is at the base of a dome-shaped structure. The southeastern wall of the burial edifice is overlaid by a thick mudbrick partition that surrounds a nearby temple complex. An archaeologist specializing in the analysis of faunal remains, Klenck notes the equid is a donkey as evidenced by foot bone measurements and traits on the grinding surfaces of its teeth. In 2011, the skeletal data from the donkey burial was compared to the material assemblage at the site in preparation for a forthcoming manuscript.

Archaeologists are increasingly finding remains of horses and donkeys in ancient Near Eastern contexts. The Vulture Stele, dating to the Early Dynastic III period (2,600-2,350 B.C.) in Mesopotamia, portrays an equid pulling a chariot-like vehicle. Various Mesopotamian manuscripts dating to this period mention the horse, donkey, hemione and hybrids such as the mule. From Sumeria, terracotta reliefs from the early second millennium B.C. show equids pulling a chariot and a human riding horseback. Hittite reliefs from the thirteenth century B.C. in modern Turkey show a larger species of equid perhaps a horse pulling a chariot with three soldiers in contrast to smaller equids in Egyptian murals presumably donkeys pulling chariots with only two men. Horse bones were found at Tell el-'Ajjul in Israel in contexts dated to around 3,400 B.C. and in Turkey at Bogazkoy from the seventeenth century B.C. Archaeologists excavated donkey remains at Tell Brak in Mesopotamia in contexts dating between 2,580 and 2,455 B.C. Egyptian donkey burials dating to Middle Bronze II periods (2,000-1,550 B.C.) include those found at Inshas, Tell el-Farasha, Tell el-Maskhuta, and Tell el-Dab'a. From similar time periods in the Levant, archaeologists excavated donkeys at Tell el-'Ajjul and Jericho.

Klenck notes the donkey burial at Tel Haror is special since this site provides the earliest direct evidence of a metal equestrian bit. These devices continue to be used today to control the movement of horses and other equids. He states, "Until the excavation at Tel Haror, archaeologists had only indirect evidence for the use of bits. An example of this indirect evidence is wear marks on equid teeth at the fortress of Buhen in contexts dating to the twentieth century B.C. At Tel Haror, we retrieved the actual metal device." The archaeologist notes the ancient bit caused equids to turn due to the force of the device. Also, round plates on either end of the ancient bit exhibit triangular spikes that pressured the lips of the equid if the reins were pulled from one direction. Klenck concludes, "The excavation of the earliest reported metal bit at Tel Haror provides important data concerning ancient equestrian practices and methods of transportation in the Levant."

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Archaeologist reports discovery of large wood structure on Mount Ararat in Turkey is a prehistoric archaeological site and counters critics.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 12/22/2011 -- Harvard University educated archaeologist and director of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Joel Klenck, reported that there was archaeological merit to a large wood structure near the summit of Mount Ararat discovered by a Kurdish guide, Ahmet "Parasut" Ertugrul. An organization from Hong Kong, Noah's Ark Ministries International, reported the discovery as the remains of the legendary vessel. Conversely, Randall Price from Liberty University, Don Patton from Creation Ministries International and other flood geology creationists claim the site is a hoax. Price alleged Ertugrul and a ten-person team in 2007 built wood structures for the Chinese to discover and mislead believers.

Patton photographed pieces of modern wood found in ice fissures that he claimed evidenced a fraud.

Klenck states, "Although the correlation between Noah's ark and the large wood structure on Mount Ararat is controversial, the site comprises a definitive prehistoric archaeological site of great importance." Denying claims of fraud, he states, "Patton, Price and others pay a tourism company, Murat Camping, large sums of money each year to search for the ark. Murat Camping and their American partner have a financial motive to discredit anyone that supports research at the archaeological site, while they retain income from ark search groups and mislead these teams." Ark searchers garner donations from churches and individuals for expeditions that are paid to Murat Camping. In addition, Klenck states, "There are personal rivalries between Murat and Parasut Camping so there are a lot of emotions associated with this discovery."

Regarding Patton's claim that modern wood in natural fissures on Mount Ararat provides proof of a hoax, Klenck counters, "Patton's findings were not near the research area and differ from the cypress timbers and planks, often weighing hundred of kilograms, associated with the ancient wood structure and its archaeological assemblage." Klenck remarks that Patton's "backpack-sized wood" was interred in natural ice fissures by those eager to discredit the archaeological site on Mount Ararat for financial and emotional reasons.

Concerning Price's allegation that Parasut and a small team built the structure on Mount Ararat, Klenck states, "That claim is incorrect." He states, "The site is large, perhaps over one-hundred meters in length, at least two floors deep, and buried under as much as fifteen meters of stones and ice." Klenck continues, "Parasut and his team did not build the features instead they removed ice and stones from previously excavated passages formed as late as the Bronze Age, as evidenced by a small bowl from this period, to access the site."

Carl Wieland, from Creation Ministries International, reported that straight, cross-grain marks on wood planks, appearing in several photographs from the Ararat site, were produced by a modern industrial planer. Klenck responds, "These same marks are found on other wood features in antiquity, particularly maritime constructions such as the Binissafuller from the sixth century A.D. in Minorca; the Fiumicino from the fifth century A.D. in Rome; the Kyrenia from the fourth century B.C.; and planks from the sixth century B.C. vessel found at Pabuc Burnu in Turkey. These marks are caused by stone and later metal adzes and other tools used to create smooth surfaces and the construction of futtocks or cross timbers. The wood planks at the Ararat site are most certainly of ancient construction."

Wieland also claimed that a large, five-meter high structure at the Ararat site does not comprise wood but a cave of columnar basalt. "Again, Wieland is mistaken," states Klenck, "there are two loci in the large wood structure with heights around five meters that were constructed using a series of vertical wood planks, some showing severe states of decomposition." He adds, "These two all-wood loci appear to have a different function than other areas of the edifice. Both loci have much botanical remains scattered on their floors."

Others have claimed the excellent preservation and spider webs at the Ararat site suggest photographs of a modern building or ship at a lower elevation. Klenck remarks: "These claims are also incorrect. All the features of the Ararat sites are at elevations above 4,200 meters in a confined area. Different features in the large wood structure show different states of conservation, with the smaller loci in the interior of the large wood structure exhibiting the best preservation." He continues, "The vegetal material demonstrates superior preservation because these remains are encased within structures, in the interior of the larger wood edifice, which is itself buried under tons of ice and rocks."

Regarding the site's superior preservation, Klenck asserts, "Many people are familiar with the baby woolly mammoth found in 1977 in the Kolyma River, Siberia, or the hunter recovered in 1991 in the Schnalstal glacier in the Oetztal Alps. The Ararat archaeological features have better taphonomic factors since these loci are preserved in multiple layers of rocks, ice, and wood, the archaeological equivalent of a Russian matryoshka doll." With regard to the spider webs, Klenck states, "Insects are evident today at comparable elevations on Mount Ararat along with birds. Also, spiders are found at much higher elevations than Mount Ararat, at 6,700 meters above sea level. It is reasonable and expected that arachnids would enter this site during ancient periods."

Andrew Snelling, of Answers in Genesis, claims the parameters of the initial calibrated radiocarbon dates from the Ararat structure, between 9,858 B.C. and recent times, suggest a hoax. Klenck counters, "The initial C-14 dates from the edifice reflect the phenomena at the site: The origin of the structure during the Late Epipaleolithic Period (13,100-9,600 B.C.) as evidenced by the majority of the artifacts; periodic visitations to the site as shown by artifacts from later Chalcolithic and Bronze Age periods; and the entry into the site and uneven sampling techniques by the recent discoverers." He continues, "Additional archaeometry work needs to be completed to ascertain the dates the site was built and briefly occupied during later periods. However, the parameters of the initial calibrated radiocarbon dates are consistent with the archaeological data and observed phenomena at the site."

In addition, Klenck adds, "Snelling and the other critics are trying to advocate flood geology creationism claims and assume the Noachian deluge formed most geological strata in one year, all archaeological remains represent post-flood artifacts deposited around 5,300 years ago, and the deluge destroyed any continuity between the pre- and post-flood earth. Snelling and his peers argue that the beginning of the post-flood earth correlates with the Cretaceous / Tertiary boundary, conventionally dated around 65 million years ago, with radiocarbon dates they allege between 45 and 21 thousand years ago. These claims are rejected by most scientists."

He continues: "The large wood structure on Mount Ararat with its assemblage and earliest C-14 date parameter, from the Late Epipaleolithic Period (13,100-9,600 B.C.), contradicts most flood geology claims and suggests to this group that pre-flood processes caused geological strata; all Paleolithic cultures were from pre-flood periods; and there was significant geographical continuity between the pre- and post-flood earth."

Flood geology creationists assumed that a large wood object on Mount Ararat would support their theories; the reverse has occurred. Klenck remarks, "Instead of modifying their views like secular scientists, these critics are attempting to vilify the site as a hoax." He laments, "For these critics, flood geology theories have become their central belief and they are now disparaging the one object they most desired to discover. Worse still, they have followed Murat Camping, who has taken their money, lied to and misled them, and is waging a campaign to discredit the site and archaeologists advocating research at this locale."

Further, he states professional secular archaeologists do not realize the bias of the critics trying to disparage this archaeological site.

Klenck states, "Archaeologists have followed the claims of flood geologists without realizing these adversaries are trying to discredit an actual archaeological site either because the data threatens their theories, they object to the scientific discipline of archaeology, they acquire significant monies from alleged ark expeditions, or a combination thereof."

Turkish geology and archaeology professors, Ahmet Oezbek and Oktay Belli, cite the excellent preservation and comprehensive archaeological assemblages within the edifice on Mount Ararat. Klenck agrees with both Turkish scholars: "This discovery is very special because it exhibits an assemblage of great antiquity with superior conservation." He adds, "The large wood structure and a nearby cave have similar assemblages and contain stone bowls, lithic tools and debitage, bowls made of an organic material, seeds such as those of chickpea, wood artifacts, bone tools, flax fibers and cords, pieces of fabric and many other artifacts."

He notes, "Archaeological theories are based on facts and evidence and not on beliefs. The archaeological sites on Mount Ararat are remarkable discoveries and require intensive research and conservation efforts." Klenck concludes: "I congratulate Parasut, the Ertugrul family, Chinese team, Turkish scholars and government officials that discovered and defended the efficacy of these remarkable prehistoric sites."

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Archaeologist reports ancient sites on Mount Ararat in Turkey are being defamed and archaeologists harassed because of an alleged association with Noah’s ark.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 12/21/2011 -- In November of 2011, Harvard University educated archaeologist and director of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, reported there was archaeological merit to a large wood structure and cave discovered near the summit of Mount Ararat by a Kurdish guide, Ahmet Ertugrul. In 2010, Oktay Belli, Professor of Eurasian Archaeology at Istanbul University, hailed the finds as the "greatest discovery." However, Klenck warns these archaeological sites confront severe attacks and bias.

Klenck states a small tourism company in eastern Turkey, Murat Camping, acquired hundreds of thousands of dollars from groups searching for Noah's ark and is trying to discredit and harass those supporting research at archaeological sites on Mount Ararat. He notes, "Murat Camping and ark enthusiasts led by this organization have falsely reported that the Ararat sites are a hoax and that Professor Belli and Turkish government officials are supporting a fraud." Klenck counters these allegations are untrue as the research area on Mount Ararat comprises "factual archaeological sites." He states, "Once the Ararat sites become state-approved excavations in Turkey, many can volunteer to work at the Ararat locales or study the artifacts in museums or archaeological journals. Murat Camping stands to lose significant monies."

"Several groups of ark enthusiasts are also trying to disparage the sites," Klenck states, "because they assumed that Noah's ark would have dinosaur bones, Early Stone Age tools, Neanderthals, be completely fossilized or had other expectations. That the large wood structure on Mount Ararat exhibits an assemblage that appears mostly from the Late Epipaleolithic Period (13,100-9,600 B.C.) is troubling to some since the data contradicts their views and beliefs."

Further, he states some professional archaeologists have followed the critiques of ark enthusiasts and have ignored the Ararat discoveries.

Klenck notes, "Professional archaeologists do not realize that the biggest critics of the Ararat sites either object to the scientific discipline of archaeology, acquire monies from meritless ark expeditions, or both."

Klenck remarks, "With the Ararat discoveries, we have well preserved archaeological sites and assemblages from a period associated with the transition to farming, plant and animal domestication and stratified societies." He concludes that although the association of the wood structure with Noah's ark will remain a contentious issue, the archaeological sites on Mount Ararat are factual, require intensive research and represent discoveries that are important to our knowledge of prehistory.

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Archaeologist states there is scientific merit to recent discovery of site associated with the legendary ark of Noah.

Miami, FL -- (SBWIRE) -- 11/15/2011 -- In 2010, the Hong Kong organization Noah's Ark Ministries International or NAMI announced they had discovered the legendary vessel on Mount Ararat in eastern Turkey and were subsequently accused of perpetrating a hoax. Now, a professional archaeologist states there is significant merit to their discovery.

Harvard University educated archaeologist and director of the Paleontological Research Corporation, Dr. Joel Klenck, surveyed the site, analyzed the archaeological remains and completed a comparative study. "The site is remarkable", states Klenck, "and comprises a large all-wood structure with an archaeological assemblage that appears to be mostly from the Late Epipaleolithic Period." These assemblages at other sites in the Near East have calibrated radiocarbon dates between 13,100 and 9,600 B.C. Located at elevations above 4,200 meters on Mount Ararat and covered by layers of ice and stones, he states: "The site is wonderfully preserved, exhibits a wide array of plant materials including structures made of cypress and one room with a floor covered by chickpea seeds." Klenck additionally notes, "I was most impressed by the artifactual assemblage, particularly the basalt bowls, stone cores and debitage."

It also appears that the site was visited in later periods. Two small ceramic bowls from the Chalcolithic (5,800-3,000 B.C.) and Bronze Age (3,000-1,200 B.C.) periods were placed in one of the rooms of the structure. He adds, "These artifacts most likely represent brief later visits to the site since these bowls differ from the Epipaleolithic remains that comprise nearly all of the assemblage."

Klenck reports, "The surface scatter of the wood above the large structure is 121.1 meters in length and 23.8 meters in width. The construction is at least 5.2 meters deep and several measurements of the exterior walls exhibit angles moving inward toward the base of the edifice. Also, there are stair-like features that descend through the middle of the multi-storied structure and mortise-and-tenon construction." He remarks, "That this large wood structure is located on Mount Ararat, with what appears to be a mostly Epipaleolithic assemblage, is noteworthy."

"The site is no hoax," Klenck states, "and the size and excellent preservation of the edifice will enable it to be studied by numerous scholars." He notes, "The large wood structure is buried under tons of stones and ice and most of the edifice remains unexplored."

Regarding the initial carbon dating of the site at 4,800 B.C. by NAMI, Klenck states the initial discovery team comprised people with limited archaeological experience. He remarks, "Instead of obtaining samples from cores and unexposed locales and wrapping them in tin-foil, surface samples were retrieved with bare hands or cotton gloves. The date most likely reflects a sample that was contaminated by ancient visitors or modern explorers to the site. Most of the assemblage portrays a much earlier period." He notes that all future radiocarbon samples should be delivered to archaeology departments at Istanbul University that will date the artifacts or send the samples to archaeometry facilities at the University of Berlin.

He also notes that a nearby cave exhibits artifacts similar to those in the large wood structure. Klenck states the cave site possesses botanical remains of chickpea, flax fibers and rope, pieces of fabric, bone artifacts, and vessels made of an organic material. He adds, "In both the large wood structure and cave, most of the bowls are made of an organic material, perhaps animal stomachs, and the flaps are folded over wood or bone collars. Several of these bowls resemble early ceramic types from the subsequent Pottery Neolithic Period (6,400-5,800 B.C.)." Klenck opines, "These artifacts prompt questions if bowls made from organic materials influenced the first pottery styles."

"These sites are extremely important for archaeologists and conservators," states Klenck, "particularly with regard to the preservation of wood and plant materials and the examination of architectural features. He is emphatic that the Antiquities Authority of Turkey needs to protect the research area and allow only approved archaeologists and conservators to visit the sites. "These precautions must be completed", remarks Klenck, "to prevent adventurers and local mountain guides from breaking off pieces of wood and removing artifacts from the research area."

He states the initial skepticism of the archaeological community is understandable but will fade as more researchers and conservators complete their analyses and publish reports in scientific journals. Klenck adds, "Here, the evidence is wide ranging. Also, very little of the structure is surveyed and much of the site is inaccessible being covered or blocked by ice."

The discoveries on Mount Ararat coincide with academic discussions on the transition between the Pleistocene and Holocene epochs during the Younger Dryas stadial (10,900-9,500 B.C.) and the beginning of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic Period, around 9,600 B.C., where the first village communities in southeastern Turkey became associated with intensive agriculture and plant and animal domestication. Klenck states, "Some scholars see this transition period as cataclysmic with dramatic increases in sea-levels, flooding, animal extinctions, and decreases in human populations; others assert this phase was simply a cold, dry period evidenced by sparse vegetation." "In the midst of this debate," he notes, "there is a large all-wood structure and a cave, with artifacts resembling an Epipaleolithic assemblage, at a high elevation on Mount Ararat." Klenck concludes: "The Ararat sites are very special because of their preservation and unique insight into the prehistoric past."

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